We will unite South Africans from all communities in a new political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our National Constitution. To this end we will address poverty and imbalances in our society, inspired by our unifying love of our Country and its people.
The Core Values, which the United Democratic Movement will uphold and promote and upon which its fundamental policy positions are based, are as follow : respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; integrity in public- and private life; the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution;
President of the UDM
Major General (Retired) Bantubonke ‘Bantu’ Holomisa co-founded the United Democratic Movement (UDM) on 27 September 1997, and serves as its elected President, which in 2022 celebrated its 25th year of existence. He was again elected as a Member of Parliament in the 2024 National and Provincial Elections and was appointed as the Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in the Government of National Unity in the 7th Administration in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet.
He was the Commander of the Transkei Defence Force and Head of the Transkei Government (former independent homeland from 1987 to 1994) up to the first National Elections in South Africa in 1994. He was one of the first two black persons accepted by the South African Army College to do a one-year senior staff course for officers in 1984.
Contribute For Us
The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has worked diligently to promote the interests of all South Africans over the years. Despite the challenges and stumbling blocks the party rose to the occasion and scored many political victories. Our successes are manifested in our public representation at various levels of government across the country, but also in the influence we have had irrespective of the ruling party’s parliamentary majority.
The UDM’s vision is to be “…the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation”.
Admin
27 Jun, 2026
Keynote Address by Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Bantu Holomisa, MP, President of the United Democratic Movement at the 6th National Congress and Launch of the 2026 Local Government Elections Manifesto - Absa Stadium, East London on 27 June 2026 • Deputy President of the UDM, Nqabayomzi Kwankwa; • Members of the National Executive Committee; • Provincial and Regional Leadership; • Delegates of the Sixth National Congress; • Representatives of civil society, traditional leaders, religious formations and organised labour; • Invited guests; • Members of the media; • Fellow South Africans; • Comrades and friends, 1. Introduction Allow me first to express my sincere gratitude to the delegates of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), our members throughout the country, our supporters, and the general public who have sustained this organisation with their resources, commitment and sacrifices over many years. The UDM did not arrive here because we had the biggest budget. We did not arrive here because we enjoyed access to state resources. We arrived here because ordinary South Africans believed in the values upon which this movement was founded and continued to support us even during the most difficult times. There were those who wrote our political obituary from the very beginning. There were those who predicted that the UDM would disappear after one election, after one leadership contest, after one political challenge or another. Yet here we are today, convening our Sixth National Congress and preparing to celebrate thirty years of existence in September 2027. The fact that we are still here is not an accident. For all this, we extend our appreciation to the National Office Bearers and staff for organising this National Congress, notwithstanding all the challenges we encountered. We also appreciate the volunteers, staff, ABSA Stadium Management, and service providers who have worked tirelessly behind the scenes to ensure that this gathering is a success. Your contribution is noted and valued. Anyone who has followed the history of the UDM and cared to read about our journey will know that our strength has always been our consistency. • Consistency in our messaging. • Consistency in our values. • Consistency in our presence amongst the people. • Consistency in making ourselves available and accountable to South Africans regardless of whether there was an election around the corner or not. We are one party that should be proud of its contribution to South Africa's democracy and proud of the victories we have achieved over the years. It was the UDM that consistently promoted the ethics of good governance long before it became fashionable to speak about corruption. It was the UDM that campaigned relentlessly against floor crossing until it was removed from our statute books. It was the UDM that fought for legislation regulating political party funding. It was the UDM that secured a landmark Constitutional Court victory on the secret ballot matter. Against all odds, it was the UDM that exposed the misuse of workers' pension funds through the Government Employees Pension Fund and the Public Investment Corporation, and many other ongoing battles. These were not popular battles. They were not easy battles. Yet they were necessary battles because they were in the interests of the people of South Africa. The UDM has never confined itself to parliamentary debates and press statements. When disaster struck our people, we were there. During the 2025 floods and disasters in the Eastern Cape, we were on the ground assisting affected communities in Mthatha, Butterworth and surrounding areas where 95 lives were tragically lost. While others were counting statistics, we were helping communities. While others were compiling reports, we were delivering practical assistance. In KwaTshezi near Coffee Bay, we assisted in constructing a bridge that has restored access to Zithulele Hospital and enabled communities to cross safely. To this day, communities continue to wait for permanent intervention from government despite countless promises and assessments. That is the difference between politics as a profession and politics as a calling. The UDM has always believed that leadership requires action. Betting on a wicket of anti-corruption was once regarded as political suicide. It contributed to my own departure from the African National Congress (ANC) because many people did not want to hear uncomfortable truths. Today it is gratifying to see that, what was once dismissed has now been confirmed repeatedly through official investigations and commissions. Those who did not understand the campaign against corruption at the time eventually came forward and reported corrupt activities. Those reports led to the findings of former Public Protector, Advocate Thuli Madonsela. They led to the State Capture Commission. They led to the UDM-sponsored Mpati Commission. They led to the current Madlanga Commission which has taken the nation by storm. It is evident, without a shed of doubt, that corruption has spread its tentacles to state institutions, including the Department of Defence where I serve as Deputy Minister as you have witnessed. Today various allegations and investigations involving senior law enforcement structures continue to reinforce concerns that many of us raised years ago. South Africans have reached their own conclusions. That is why in 2024 voters made a historic decision. They decided that South Africa should no longer be governed through the dominance of a single political party. They opted for a coalition arrangement. They effectively instructed political parties to work together. That is why we now have a Government of National Unity. The voters were saying that political parties must work together to address corruption, unemployment, crime and poor governance. By the look of things, coalition politics are here to stay. We must develop a political culture where coalition governments are stable, accountable and focused on service delivery. At national, provincial and local level, coalition governance must be refined because it is increasingly becoming the future of governance in South Africa. Fellow delegates, I am addressing you today at a time where serious questions are being raised about the activities of some Members of the Executive. For instance, many people will ask you, the members of the UDM what happened to the case of former Minister of Defence who was charged for corruption and many other high-profile individuals. The public will further ask you what our position is regarding the impeachment process involving the President, where the Constitutional Court brought the matter back to Parliament for further processing. Our position remains unchanged. The UDM supports the establishment of the Section 89 Impeachment Committee and believes that Constitutional processes must be allowed to run their course. There has been no shift from what we said during the debate on the report of the Independent Panel chaired by Judge Sandile Ngcobo. We maintain that the President, together with all those implicated in the matter, must make use of the opportunity to present their side of the story before the committee. The purpose of the process is to establish the facts, uphold accountability and strengthen our Constitutional democracy. As the UDM, we have always maintained that no individual is above accountability and that Constitutional mechanisms must be respected and allowed to function without fear or favour. Fellow delegates, Once this Congress has elected its leadership, our focus must immediately shift to the 2026 Local Government Elections and the road to 2029. We expect to come out of this National Congress with a dynamic leadership team that reflects a balance between experienced leaders and young people, who will together drive the growth, renewal and strengthening of the party going forward. The new leadership, because of the evident growth of the UDM, will have to hit the ground running by improving coordination and communication within the structures. They must also strive to promote unity, and to see it that the UDM reaches all the corners of South Africa. We have consistently argued that South Africa has entered a new political era. The days of one-party dominance are behind us. The responsibility of the UDM is not merely to participate in this reality, but to shape it. Our structures must emerge from this Congress united, focused and ready for the task ahead. It is going to be important to nominate Councillors who will understand the role they are to play in municipalities in service of our people. Equally, we must strive to depoliticise the government administration. Every branch, region and province must work towards growing the UDM so that it has a stronger voice in the Government of National Unity and a bigger presence in Parliament after 2029. No party can say with certainty who will provide leadership to South Africa after President Cyril Ramaphosa has finished his term. The political landscape is changing, and the UDM must position itself to play a far greater role in influencing the future of our country. Our mission remains unchanged. We must continue to champion ethics, good governance and accountability. There is no one in this country who can doubt the role we are playing in that front. The UDM must be at the forefront of ensuring that those implicated in corruption are charged, that adverse findings by the Auditor-General (AGSA) are acted upon, and that public institutions serve the people rather than politicians. Too often AGSA reports expose the same failures year after year, yet little is done. That culture of impunity must come to an end. As we grow, we must remain clear about the type of partnerships we are prepared to enter. We must work with parties that serve the people, not those that seek to protect politicians caught with their fingers in the till. Our loyalty must always be to the people of South Africa. Mawubuye uMzantsi Afrika esiwuthandayo emaseleni, mawubuye! The evidence emerging from inquiries such as the Madlanga Commission, the collapse of state-owned enterprises, and the corruption repeatedly exposed in the media all point to the same problem: years of ignored warnings, ignored Auditor-General findings and a lack of consequence management. The UDM must continue to be the voice that asks difficult questions, demands accountability and fights for clean governance. That is the role we have played for nearly three decades, and it is the role we must play with even greater determination as we build towards 2026 and 2029. 2. The challenges confronting South Africa Fellow South Africans, As we gather here today, South Africa continues to face serious challenges. At the forefront are unemployment, crime, porous borders, weak immigration systems, unemployment, a stagnant economy and corruption. These challenges continue to undermine confidence in our democracy and deny millions of South Africans opportunities to improve their lives. We must also have an honest discussion about immigration management and national security. The Deputy President of the UDM, the Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, has already outlined the position of the UDM in Parliament, and he was both eloquent and unambiguous in doing so. My role here is simply to add further context and depth to that position. Many of the immigration problems we face today did not arise by accident. There were individuals and networks who positioned themselves to benefit from a weak immigration system and porous borders. South Africans will recall the history of Dyambu Holdings, a company established through ANC Women's League structures and was awarded an exclusive contract relating to the detention and deportation of illegal immigrants through Lindela. That company was later acquired by BOSASA, whose role in the looting of state resources has been extensively documented. The lines between political influence, government contracts and private enrichment became increasingly blurred. When South Africans ask how we arrived at a situation where Home Affairs is under such pressure, where border management has been compromised and where questions are being asked about the integrity of documentation systems, they are entitled to examine this history fully. The state's failure over many years to exercise effective control over its borders did not only create governance challenges; it also created opportunities for those who sought to profit from dysfunction. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that some people saw immigration management not as a national security responsibility, but as a business opportunity, hence we find ourselves sitting with porous borders. For many years South Africa did not maintain an appropriate balance between social expenditure and investment in national security institutions. While enormous resources were directed towards social support programmes, many strategic institutions responsible for securing the country gradually experienced declining capacity. The consequences are now visible. o Border management challenges have increased. o Criminal syndicates have exploited weaknesses in the system. o Drug trafficking networks have become more sophisticated. o Human trafficking syndicates continue to operate. o Counterfeit goods continue to enter the country. Communities are increasingly concerned about illegal migration, undocumented persons and the impact these challenges have on public services, employment opportunities and community safety. These concerns are not new. South Africans have been raising these issues for years. Unfortunately, many of these concerns were ignored until they reached crisis proportions. Today government is spending millions combating drug syndicates, tracing undocumented persons and addressing problems that should have been confronted much earlier. What South Africans want now is not arguments about who raised these concerns first. They want solutions. The security cluster must therefore become a national priority. The lesson for us today is simple. We must fix the system. We must strengthen border management, restore integrity at Home Affairs, eliminate corruption wherever it exists, and ensure that immigration policy serves the interests of the country and the rule of law. This is not about hostility towards anyone. It is about ensuring that South Africa has an immigration system that is lawful, fair, efficient and properly administered. If, as is now being alleged through investigations by the SIU, there were officials within Home Affairs who fraudulently issued identity documents, permits and other official records, then South Africans deserve answers. We need to know which documents were issued lawfully and which were obtained through fraud and corruption. We need to know who benefited, who authorised it, and what corrective measures will be taken. South Africans have a right to confidence in the integrity of the country's documentation systems. Restoring that confidence must be a national priority. Home Affairs, Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), South African Police Service (SAPS), State Security and Defence must intensify their working relations to stabilise the situation. We may have to engage the African Union and the United Nations and ask for understanding and patience as South Africa undertakes the difficult task of restoring order to systems that have been neglected for many years. As a result of this neglect, South Africa is still fighting grey listings from international rating agencies, a phenomenon that continues to affect the lives of many South Africans daily. One of the major concerns highlighted by these agencies is the high level of corruption, South Africa's suspected use as a conduit for illicit activities, the prevalence of money laundering, weaknesses in visa and immigration processes, and a range of other governance and security-related challenges. In the same vein, we may need to strengthen dialogue with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region to ensure a coordinated and cooperative approach to migration management, including joint frameworks and mechanisms to address cross-border movement in a structured and lawful manner. The government of South Africa, together with civil society and other stakeholders, should seriously consider a temporary moratorium of between six and twelve months to clean up an immigration system that has been plagued by challenges for decades. During this period, district-level immigration verification committees, chaired by district magistrates and comprising members of the security cluster and relevant government departments, should be established to determine who is in the country, under what status, and whether the documentation they possess is valid. Given the allegations of fraud and corruption that continue to emerge, South Africa can no longer rely solely on existing Home Affairs databases without verification. These committees should establish clear timeframes for permit holders and other documented foreign nationals to verify the authenticity of their documentation, with a view to identifying and removing fraudulent records from the system. This exercise must be lawful, fair and non-discriminatory. It must have no colour, no nationality and no political agenda. Those who are lawfully in South Africa should have nothing to fear; the objective is simply to restore integrity to the system and ensure that the rule of law prevails. When South Africa calls for the implementation of its laws, particularly on matters relating to illegal immigration, that should not automatically be interpreted as xenophobia. Every sovereign state has a responsibility to uphold its laws and protect its national interests. We ask for understanding from those who are quick to label South Africans when legitimate concerns are raised. South Africa requires breathing space to address challenges that have accumulated over decades. National security must remain a priority. At the same time, we call upon all migrants who are legally in South Africa to cooperate with authorities as government undertakes the necessary work of restoring integrity to the system. We remain a peaceful nation. We remain committed to human dignity. But we must also restore confidence in the rule of law. 3. What has gone wrong in our municipalities? Fellow South Africans, Wherever one travels in South Africa today, whether in villages, townships, suburbs, informal settlements or rural communities, the signs of municipal decline are impossible to ignore. People are living with dry taps while billions are allocated for water infrastructure. Sewage flows through streets and into rivers while municipalities speak of plans and strategies. Roads remain unrepaired for years while communities are told to be patient. Streetlights do not work. Refuse remains uncollected. Parks and public facilities are neglected. Billing systems are broken. Municipal debt continues to grow while service delivery continues to decline. The people of South Africa are asking a simple question: where is the money going? The truth is that municipalities have not failed because communities are impossible to serve. They have failed because the basic principles of governance have been abandoned. Too many municipalities have become centres of patronage rather than centres of service delivery. Political loyalty has been rewarded ahead of competence. Public funds have been diverted away from the needs of communities. Infrastructure has been neglected until it collapses completely. Audit findings have been ignored. Corruption has gone unpunished. Councillors have disappeared from communities and resurfaced only when elections approach. The result is that ordinary residents are paying more and receiving less. Businesses are struggling to survive because municipalities cannot provide reliable services. Young people are trapped in communities where there are few opportunities and little economic activity. Poor households are expected to pay for services that often do not work. This is not what local government was intended to be. Municipalities exist to serve communities. They exist to maintain infrastructure, provide services, create conditions for economic growth, protect public resources and improve the quality of life of residents. The UDM therefore says enough is enough. Local government must return to its core purpose. That is why today we are launching a manifesto that is practical, realistic and rooted in the daily experiences of South Africans. 4. The UDM's 12 pillars for local government that works Our manifesto is built around twelve pillars that together provide a comprehensive programme for rebuilding municipalities and restoring public confidence in local government. 1) The first pillar is Reliable Basic Services and Maintenance because no municipality can succeed if residents do not have reliable access to water, sanitation, electricity, roads, refuse removal and functioning public infrastructure. 2) The second pillar is Clean Governance and Financial Discipline because corruption, maladministration and wasteful expenditure are stealing resources that should be improving the lives of our people. 3) The third pillar is Fair Tariffs, Responsible Revenue and Protection of Indigent Households because municipalities must collect revenue fairly while protecting vulnerable households and ensuring residents receive value for money. 4) The fourth pillar is Local Economic Development, Opportunity and Dignity because municipalities must become engines of growth that support small businesses, cooperatives, informal traders, township enterprises and local job creation. 5) The fifth pillar is Housing, Land Use and Integrated Human Settlements because people deserve housing developments that are planned properly, connected to services and linked to economic opportunity. 6) The sixth pillar is Rural Revitalisation and Urban Renewal because rural villages, townships, towns and cities face different challenges and require targeted interventions. 7) The seventh pillar is Safe, Liveable and Climate-Resilient Communities because communities cannot thrive in environments characterised by crime, neglect, environmental degradation and poor disaster preparedness. 8) The eighth pillar is Public Health, Clean Communities and Environmental Health because clean water, functioning sanitation, refuse removal and environmental management are fundamental to human dignity. 9) The ninth pillar is Youth, Sport, Culture and Social Development because young people deserve opportunities to develop their talents, access facilities and participate in community life. 10) The tenth pillar is Participatory Democracy and Accountable Councillors because communities must be partners in governance and councillors must remain visible, accessible and accountable. 11) The eleventh pillar is Traditional Leaders and Community Governance because development works best when municipalities and traditional leadership structures cooperate in the interests of communities. 12) The twelfth pillar is Responsible Coalitions and Cooperative Governance because coalition politics is now a reality in South Africa and must be guided by principles, stability and service delivery rather than political opportunism. These are not theoretical pillars. They are practical commitments designed to address the daily realities faced by South Africans. 5. The UDM's approach to local government Underlying these twelve pillars are six simple principles. 1) Basic services must be reliable. 2) Public money must be protected. 3) Councillors and officials must be accountable. 4) Communities must be treated as partners. 5) Municipalities must be stable, ethical and capable. 6) Councillors must provide oversight and must never interfere in procurement or administration. This last principle deserves special emphasis. One of the greatest contributors to municipal collapse has been the blurring of lines between politics and administration. A councillor is not a municipal manager. A councillor is not a procurement officer. A councillor is not a tender adjudicator. The role of councillors is to represent communities, monitor implementation, exercise oversight and ensure accountability. The role of administrators is to manage municipal affairs professionally and in accordance with the law. Once politicians begin deciding who gets contracts, who gets appointed and who benefits from municipal resources, service delivery becomes secondary and communities suffer. The UDM will defend the professionalisation of local government because competent municipalities deliver services and incompetent municipalities create crises. The details of this manifesto are in the conference packs which we have distributed. Those who wish to read this manifesto may alternatively make use of our website, www.udm.org.za and this information first-hand. 6. What this election is really about The 2026 Local Government Elections are not about politicians. They are not about positions. They are not about political slogans. They are about daily life. They are about whether water comes out of the tap. Whether refuse is collected. Whether roads are maintained. Whether communities are safe. Whether public money is protected. Whether councillors are visible. Whether young people can find opportunities. Whether municipalities work. The UDM does not promise miracles. We promise ethical leadership. We promise accountability. We promise practical solutions. We promise to place communities before politics. Our message is clear. South Africa has had enough of excuses. It is time for municipalities that work. It is time for competent administration. It is time for clean governance. It is time for councillors who serve the people. It is time for local government that is consistent in-service delivery, present in communities and accountable to residents. That is the UDM offer. That is the UDM manifesto. 7. A call to the people of South Africa As we conclude this National Congress and launch our 2026 Local Government Elections Manifesto, we make a clear appeal to the people of South Africa. We ask you to judge us not by words, but by our work. We ask you to judge us not by promises, but by delivery. We ask you to judge us not by political rhetoric, but by our presence in your communities. We are ready to restore dignity to local government. We are ready to rebuild municipalities that work for the people. From Khayelitsha to Phuthaditjhaba, Let us move forward together. Let us build stronger communities. Let us restore trust in governance. Let us renew hope in our democracy. And let us ensure that local government becomes once again what it was meant to be: a system of service, dignity and development for all. Phantsi ngamasela Phatsi! Phantsi ngo hlohlesakhe Phantsi! Phambili nge nkonzo Phambili! Phambili ngesikhokhelo esithembekileyo Phambili! I thank you.
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25 Jun, 2026
Statement by Zandile Phiri, Acting Secretary General of the United Democratic Movement The United Democratic Movement (UDM) will hold its 6th National Congress from 26 to 28 June 2026 at the grounds of Absa Stadium in East London, Eastern Cape, where 2,500 voting delegates from across the country will gather for one of the most important organisational and political moments in the life of the Party. The UDM’s 6th National Congress agenda will include the tabling and discussion of organisational and financial reports, the consideration of proposed constitutional amendments, and a review of the Party’s structures, systems and organisational health. Delegates will also consider the UDM’s strategic roadmap towards the 2026 Local Government Elections and beyond. This will include discussion on mobilisation, campaign readiness, the Party’s offer to communities, and the work required to rebuild public confidence in municipalities. On the road to the 2029 National and Provincial Elections, the 2026 local government campaign will be an important platform from which the UDM will strengthen its structures, expand its public reach, and reconnect with communities that are demanding clean, capable and accountable government. The Congress will also mark the launch of the Party’s 2026 Local Government Elections Manifesto. Through this manifesto, the UDM will sharpen its message on clean governance, reliable basic services, protection of public money, ethical leadership and accountable councillors. A key item on the programme will be the election of the UDM’s National Office Bearers for the next term of office. The electoral process will be presided over by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (IEMSA), with Advocate Terry Tselane serving as the presiding officer for the confirmation of the voting college, announcement of duly nominated candidates, election procedure briefing, voting, counting and announcement of results. UDM President, Major General Bantu Holomisa, MP, will deliver the keynote address and launch the UDM’s 2026 Local Government Elections manifesto during the open session on Saturday, 27 June 2026. This UDM National Congress takes place at an important moment for both the UDM and South Africa. The state of the nation remains deeply concerning, with unemployment, poverty, crime, corruption, weak municipalities, unreliable services and declining public trust in government continuing to place communities under severe pressure. Against this backdrop, the UDM will use its 6th National Congress to strengthen its structures, renew its mandate, and reaffirm its commitment to disciplined, ethical and accountable political organisation, clean governance, reliable basic services, the protection of public money, community-centred leadership, and a local government agenda that puts people before power. Members of the media are invited to cover the open session of the Congress: Dates : 26, 27 and 28 June 2026 Venue : Absa Stadium, East London, Eastern Cape Open media session : Saturday, 27 June 2026 Time : Media arrival from 08:00; open session starts at 10:30 Credentials : Members of the media are requested to report to the registration desks for accreditation. The open session of the Congress will be broadcast live on national television and streamed on the UDM’s official Facebook page at https://www.facebook.com/udm.rsa/. Members of the public, supporters and stakeholders who are unable to attend in person are encouraged to follow the proceedings on television or through the UDM’s Facebook page for live coverage and updates from the Congress. UDM President Bantu Holomisa, MP’s keynote address, the tabled congress documents, and the PDF version of the UDM’s 2026 Local Government Elections manifesto will be made available on www.udm.org.za and on the UDM’s social media platforms following the official launch of the manifesto by President Holomisa on Saturday.
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20 May, 2026
Ms Thokozile Didiza, MP Speaker of the National Assembly Parliament of the Republic of South Africa PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Speaker Request for urgent parliamentary oversight intervention and constitutional processing of the Joint Task Team report on SATBVC pension grievances 1. I refer to my correspondence addressed to your office on 21 August 2024 regarding the “Referral of the matter of the SATBVC pensioners’ matter to the Standing Committee on Finance”, wherein reference was made to my correspondence to the Standing Committee on Finance of the same date. In that correspondence, I recorded that during the State of the Nation Address debate in February 2023, President Cyril Ramaphosa stated as follows: “The Honourable Holomisa has raised the issue of the pensions of civil servants and military veterans from the TBVC states. These are indeed issues that need to be considered. The Deputy President heads a task team on benefits for military veterans, which has a workstream on pension. I have asked this task team to provide a report on this issue. I have further asked the Minister of Finance to set up a team to look into the pensions for civil servants from the TBVC states.” 2. Subsequent to the President’s directive and following parliamentary engagement on the matter, the Joint Task Team (JTT) on grievances raised by the SATBVC States Committee was formally established in June 2025 with a tightly defined fact finding mandate to examine the specific concerns contained in the SATBVC States Committee’s March 2025 memorandum to Parliament and to report back to the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration and the Standing Committee on Finance within the agreed Terms of Reference. 3. We now write regarding the Final Report of the JTT, dated 2 December 2025 and attached hereto for ease of reference, which was established through parliamentary processes to address the longstanding grievances raised by former employees of the South African, Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei (SATBVC) and self-governing states. 4. As Parliament is aware, this matter has persisted for many years and predates the establishment of the JTT itself. Numerous affected former employees and pensioners have spent years seeking recognition, clarity and resolution regarding grievances linked to pension benefits, Past Discriminatory Practices (PDP) redress, leave gratuities and severance related matters arising from the democratic transition process. 5. Tragically, many affected pensioners and former employees have already passed away without closure, without substantive resolution, and without seeing meaningful finality from the democratic state regarding grievances which Parliament itself considered sufficiently serious to warrant the establishment of the JTT. 6. The JTT was formally constituted in June 2025 following parliamentary engagement and in the context of the President’s earlier directive that the matter receive attention. The JTT comprised representatives from: 6.1. National Treasury; 6.2. the Department of Public Service and Administration (DPSA); 6.3. the Public Service Co ordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC); 6.4. the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF); 6.5. the Government Pensions Administration Agency (GPAA); 6.6. the Government Employees Pension Ombud (GEPO); 6.7. and the SATBVC States Committee. 7. While the JTT process resulted in the compilation of findings and recommendations which are now before Parliament, it is now May 2026 and there remains growing frustration among affected pensioners and the SATBVC States Committee regarding the apparent absence of meaningful parliamentary progression, structured engagement or visible implementation of the report’s recommendations. 8. Importantly, while the report concludes that the technical amalgamation of pension systems into the GEPF was broadly administratively compliant, the report simultaneously and unequivocally acknowledges that significant unresolved grievances remain and that these matters now transcend narrow administrative remedies and enter the terrain of policy, legislation, constitutional redress and fiscal prioritisation. 9. The report expressly recommends: 9.1. the establishment of a high-level policy forum with political authority; 9.2. continued parliamentary oversight; 9.3. consideration of possible legislative and policy reforms; 9.4. investigation into unresolved and unrecorded service-related matters; 9.5. consideration of unresolved employer related liabilities; 9.6. and further engagement regarding the Past Discriminatory Practices (PDP) Pension Redress Programme. 10. In these circumstances, Parliament cannot rationally or constitutionally treat the matter as concluded merely because the JTT has completed its narrowly defined technical mandate. 11. The report itself rejects such a conclusion. 12. The JTT was neither a judicial commission nor a body empowered to determine final constitutional or restorative justice remedies. Its mandate did not extend to the implementation of legislative reforms, the creation of new fiscal measures, or the establishment of new compensation mechanisms. 13. It follows that the completion of the JTT process does not extinguish Parliament’s constitutional oversight obligations in relation to the unresolved grievances identified in the report itself. 14. Parliament initiated and facilitated this process. Parliament received the findings and recommendations. Parliament is therefore now seized with a constitutional responsibility to meaningfully process, consider and respond to the report and its recommendations. 15. Equally, the institutions represented on the JTT, including National Treasury, the GEPF, the GPAA, the GEPO, the DPSA and the PSCBC, cannot now reasonably distance themselves from the unresolved matters identified in the report after having actively participated in the JTT process and contributed to its findings and recommendations. 16. The participation of these institutions materially reinforces the legitimacy and seriousness of the unresolved grievances acknowledged in the report. 17. Sections 42, 55 and 92 of the Constitution impose clear oversight obligations upon Parliament and the National Assembly in relation to accountability, responsiveness and constitutional governance. 18. Parliament is therefore constitutionally required to ensure that matters involving unresolved historical disadvantage, acknowledged policy deficiencies and vulnerable affected persons are not permitted to lapse into procedural silence, indefinite delay or institutional inertia. 19. The affected former employees and pensioners are overwhelmingly elderly and historically disadvantaged persons, many of whom continue to experience severe financial hardship linked to unresolved pension and employment related grievances arising from fragmented and unequal systems inherited by the democratic state. 20. The magnitude and persistence of the grievances reflected in the JTT process itself underscore that this matter cannot reasonably be dismissed as isolated, anecdotal or administratively insignificant. The report records that more than 11,500 cases were submitted for consideration, while approximately 68,820 applications relating to the Past Discriminatory Practices (PDP) Pension Redress Programme were processed nationally. Importantly, the report further acknowledges the existence of thousands of duplicate, unresolved, disputed, error related and untraceable cases arising from fragmented historical records, administrative complications and longstanding dissatisfaction regarding the fairness and adequacy of the transition process. These figures demonstrate that the matter constitutes a large scale and enduring public grievance affecting vulnerable former public servants across multiple former administrations and geographical areas of the Republic. The scale of the matter itself therefore demands meaningful parliamentary oversight, constitutional sensitivity and a clearly defined institutional response. 21. The constitutional values of dignity, equality, accountability, responsiveness and openness arise directly in relation to Parliament’s handling of this matter. 22. We accordingly respectfully request that your office urgently ensure: 22.1. That the Final JTT Report and accompanying memorandum be formally tabled before the relevant parliamentary structures without further delay; 22.2. That the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration and the Standing Committee on Finance jointly schedule hearings on the report within a reasonable and defined timeframe; 22.3. That National Treasury, the DPSA, GEPF, GPAA, GEPO and the PSCBC be formally invited to account to Parliament regarding: 22.3.1. the findings of the JTT; 22.3.2. the unresolved matters identified in the report; 22.3.3. and the feasibility of further remedial, legislative or policy interventions; 22.4. That Parliament determine whether the recommendations of the JTT require: 22.4.1. legislative intervention; 22.4.2. executive action; 22.4.3. further parliamentary inquiry; 22.4.4. or the establishment of the high-level policy forum recommended in the report; 22.5. That affected pensioners and representatives of the SATBVC States Committee be afforded a further opportunity to make representations before Parliament regarding the unresolved matters identified in the report; 22.6. That Parliament communicate, within a reasonable period, the intended process and proposed way forward arising from the report and recommendations of the JTT. 23. We further respectfully place on record that recent constitutional jurisprudence has demonstrated the serious institutional and legal consequences that may arise where Parliament fails to discharge its constitutional oversight obligations rationally, meaningfully and in accordance with the Constitution. 24. It would therefore be deeply concerning were this matter, after years of engagement and after the establishment of a formally constituted JTT involving multiple state institutions, to now effectively terminate through procedural inaction or indefinite delay despite the report itself acknowledging unresolved constitutional, policy and restorative justice questions. 25. This matter concerns not merely pension administration, but the unfinished constitutional obligations of democratic transition, substantive equality and restorative justice for former public servants who served under fragmented and unequal systems inherited by the democratic state. 26. We trust that your office will treat this matter with the seriousness, urgency and constitutional sensitivity it requires. Yours sincerely Maj Gen (Ret) Bantu Holomisa, MP Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: Mr CM Ramaphosa, President of the Republic of South Africa Mr E Godongwana, MP and Minister of Finance Inkosi M Buthelezi, MP and Minister for the Public Service and Administration Dr M Maswanganyi, MP, Standing Committee on Finance Chairperson Mr J Naudé de Villiers, Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration Chairperson Mr M Mabesa, GEPF Principal Executive Officer Mr F Baleni, GEPF Chairperson of Board of Trustees Adv M Ramabulana, GEPO Ombud Mr E Kekana, GEPO Vice Chairperson of the Board of Trustees Ms K Madiehe, GPAA Chief Executive Officer Mr P Dlamini, PIC Chief Executive Officer Dr D Masondo, PIC Chairperson of the Board Adv K Gcaleka, Public Protector Mr F De Bruin, PSCBC Sectary General Prof S Fikeni, PSCSA Chairperson Mr Dandala, SATBVC Task Team Secretary Mr T Ndabambi, Pensioners’ Representatives’ Committee Chairperson Mr N Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Party Leader in Parliament
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27 Apr, 2026
Check against delivery Speech by the President of the United Democratic Movement and Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Bantu Holomisa at the UDM Qonce (King William’s Town) Rally 27 April 2026 Fellow South Africans, Leaders of our communities, Members of the United Democratic Movement, And to our new members who have made a conscious decision to walk this journey with us. I greet you all on this historic and meaningful day. Today, as we gather here in Qonce, we do so on the occasion of Freedom Day, a day that represents one of the greatest turning points in the history of our country. On this day, 30 years ago, millions of South Africans stood in long queues under the sun, united not by language, not by tribe, not by political party, but by a shared hope. A hope for freedom. A hope for dignity. A hope for a better life. It was the culmination of generations of struggle. A struggle carried by heroes and heroines. A struggle carried by the unknown and the ordinary. A struggle carried by those who paid the ultimate price so that we may stand here today and call ourselves free. But today, as we commemorate Freedom Day, we must do more than celebrate. We must reflect. We must ask ourselves, as a nation, whether we have honoured that freedom or whether we have played with it. Because the truth, fellow South Africans, is uncomfortable. We have, in many ways, played with our freedom. We inherited a country full of possibility. We inherited institutions designed to serve the people. We inherited a democratic system meant to uplift all. But instead of building on that foundation with discipline and integrity, we allowed corruption to creep in. We allowed greed to replace service. We allowed the state to be weakened. We allowed communities, especially rural communities like those we are visiting in iMidushane, to be forgotten. Freedom became something we celebrate once a year instead of something we protect every day. And today we are confronted with painful realities. Young people with qualifications but no opportunities. Families living without basic services. Crime that robs communities of peace. A widening gap between the rich and the poor. A state that too often fails the very people it was meant to serve. This is not what Freedom Day was meant to deliver. This is not what our people voted for. But fellow South Africans, this is not the end of the story. Today is not only about reflection. It is also about renewal. And that is why your presence here today matters. To those who are joining the United Democratic Movement, you are not just joining a political party. You are joining a movement born out of principle. A movement that refused to compromise on integrity. A movement that has, from its formation, stood firm against corruption, against abuse of power, and against the betrayal of the South African people. The United Democratic Movement was not built on convenience. It was built on conviction. Conviction that leadership must be accountable. Conviction that government must serve the people. Conviction that freedom must translate into real change in people’s lives. And today, more than ever, that conviction is needed. To our new members, you are joining at a critical time in our country’s history. A time when South Africans are beginning to question. A time when South Africans are beginning to demand better. A time when South Africans are no longer willing to accept excuses. In 2024, the voters of this country sent a clear and unmistakable message. They said never again will they put all their eggs in one basket. They rejected the idea that one party alone can carry the hopes of an entire nation without accountability. They chose balance. They chose oversight. They chose to open a new chapter in our democracy. As the UDM, we approach a historic milestone. Next year, we celebrate 30 years of our existence. For three decades, we have contributed immensely to the project of democracy in South Africa. We have been a consistent voice for accountability, a defender of constitutional values, and a watchdog against corruption and abuse of power. We are not approaching this anniversary as a ceremonial event, but as a moment of strategic repositioning. In September next year, we will use our 30th anniversary as a launching pad for our 2029 manifesto. We are clear that the practice of issuing manifestos just three months before elections may suit parties with deep pockets and access to resources, but we are not that kind of party and we will not follow that strategy. We will hit the ground running. We will engage communities early, build our programme from the ground up, and ensure that by the time we reach 2029, the people of South Africa already know what the UDM stands for, what it plans to do, and how it will change their lives. You are joining a generation that must correct the mistakes of the past 30 years. Because the next 30 years cannot be a repetition of the last. We cannot continue to play with freedom. We must work with it. We must rebuild the culture of accountability. We must restore the dignity of public service. We must prioritise development, especially in rural areas. We must create real economic opportunities for our people. And we must do so with urgency. As the UDM, we are clear. Freedom must mean something tangible. It must mean jobs for the unemployed. Safety in our communities. Functioning schools and clinics. Roads, water, and infrastructure in every village. Respect for traditional leadership and local governance. Opportunities for young people to build and not to beg. We cannot speak about freedom while our people are still trapped in poverty. We cannot celebrate freedom while our youth are trapped in unemployment. We cannot honour freedom while corruption continues to steal from the future. That is why we say the time for playing is over. The time for rebuilding has begun. To the people of Qonce, to the people of the Eastern Cape, this province has given so much to the struggle for freedom. It has produced leaders. It has produced thinkers. It has produced resilience. Now it must also produce renewal. And that renewal starts with you. It starts with the choices you make. It starts with the leadership you support. It starts with your willingness to stand up and say we deserve better. As the UDM, we are not here to make empty promises. We are here to build a new culture of governance. A culture rooted in discipline, integrity, accountability, and service to the people. That is the freedom we must now fight for. Not freedom from oppression, but freedom from dysfunction. Not freedom from laws, but freedom from corruption and inequality. Let this Freedom Day mark a turning point. Let it be remembered not just as a celebration of what was achieved, but as a commitment to what must still be done. To our new members, welcome to the struggle of rebuilding South Africa. Welcome to the responsibility of protecting our freedom. Welcome to the United Democratic Movement. Together, let us ensure that future generations will not say we played with freedom, but that we honoured it, protected it, and used it to build a better South Africa for all. I thank you.
