We will unite South Africans from all communities in a new political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our National Constitution. To this end we will address poverty and imbalances in our society, inspired by our unifying love of our Country and its people.
The Core Values, which the United Democratic Movement will uphold and promote and upon which its fundamental policy positions are based, are as follow : respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; integrity in public- and private life; the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution;
President of the UDM
Major General (Retired) Bantubonke ‘Bantu’ Holomisa co-founded the United Democratic Movement (UDM) on 27 September 1997, and serves as its elected President, which in 2022 celebrated its 25th year of existence. He was again elected as a Member of Parliament in the 2024 National and Provincial Elections and was appointed as the Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in the Government of National Unity in the 7th Administration in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet.
He was the Commander of the Transkei Defence Force and Head of the Transkei Government (former independent homeland from 1987 to 1994) up to the first National Elections in South Africa in 1994. He was one of the first two black persons accepted by the South African Army College to do a one-year senior staff course for officers in 1984.
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The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has worked diligently to promote the interests of all South Africans over the years. Despite the challenges and stumbling blocks the party rose to the occasion and scored many political victories. Our successes are manifested in our public representation at various levels of government across the country, but also in the influence we have had irrespective of the ruling party’s parliamentary majority.
The UDM’s vision is to be “…the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation”.
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26 Feb, 2026
Statement by Bulelani Bobotyane, Provincial Secretary of the UDM in the Eastern Cape The United Democratic Movement (UDM) in the Eastern Cape notes that on 27 February 2026, Premier Oscar Mabuyane will address the province in his seventh year at the helm. Across towns and villages, one hears a recurring sentiment: there was a period in this region’s history when executive authority translated into visible administrative discipline, when decisions were implemented with consistency and consequence management was not optional. That period existed within a different constitutional dispensation and must be understood in its proper historical context. It was not beyond criticism. In this province, what endures in public memory is not nostalgia for past structures, but the perception that governance was firm, coherent and enforceable. After nearly seven years in office, the current African National Congress (ANC) administration cannot dismiss that comparison. It must answer it. Seven years into the Mabuyane administration, the issue is no longer vision. The province has had vision documents, master plans, stimulus funds, growth frontiers and 2030 targets. The issue is executive control and institutional discipline. When the same sectors are re-announced year after year, when projected multipliers are pushed further into the future, and when governance reform deadlines quietly fade from the public record, the pattern reveals not a shortage of ideas, but a shortage of consolidation. After 32 years of uninterrupted ANC governance in this province, fragmentation cannot be blamed on transition or inheritance. It reflects a governing culture that accumulates initiatives faster than it stabilises systems. The Eastern Cape does not lack policy. It lacks conversion. It does not lack plans. It lacks enforcement. Seven years is sufficient time to entrench systems, discipline departments and impose consequence management. When plans multiply but structural indicators remain stubborn, it signals not complexity, but weak executive control. The ANC governs this province, with Premier Mabuyane at its helm. They cannot continue to govern through perpetual projection and recycled ambition. If the plans are sound on paper yet outcomes remain inconsistent, the question is no longer about design. It is about leadership. As the province approaches the 2026 Local Government Elections, SOPA 2026 must do more than defend a record. It must demonstrate that governance is stabilising where citizens experience the state most directly: in municipalities. Voters will not judge performance by presentation in the Chamber, but by functioning taps, maintained roads, disciplined finances and reliable services. In this election cycle, credibility will be earned on the ground. Accountability and delivery The UDM in the Eastern Cape will demand that SOPA2026 move beyond ambition and provide clear evidence of delivery. The people of the Eastern Cape have heard commitments on roads, water infrastructure, housing, health facilities and economic expansion before. This year’s address must account for what has been completed, what remains delayed and what has stalled. The public deserves measurable progress, not repetition. Municipal governance Municipal instability must be confronted honestly. If municipalities required intervention in the past year, the province must report whether those interventions worked. Financial stability, revenue collection, professional administration and consequence management determine whether communities receive services and whether local government can be trusted. Water security Access targets extending toward 2030 cannot substitute for consistent supply today. Communities experience governance through functioning taps, maintained infrastructure and effective wastewater systems. If these remain unreliable, explanations are no longer sufficient. Infrastructure maintenance Development cannot be credible if roads, stormwater systems and municipal assets deteriorate while new projects are announced. Maintenance is not secondary to growth. It is foundational to it. Economic reform and employment Sustainable job creation depends on stable municipalities, reliable infrastructure, clean procurement systems and a predictable regulatory environment. Temporary public employment programmes may offer short-term relief, but they do not replace structural reform. The province must demonstrate that institutional foundations for long-term economic expansion are being strengthened year by year. The National Development Plan’s 2030 horizon does not excuse weak implementation in the present. Governance and accountability Ethics frameworks and oversight mechanisms must translate into visible consequences. Clean governance, professional administration and disciplined public finance management are essential if public trust is to be restored. In 2020, this administration undertook to implement lifestyle audit guidelines by 2022. That deadline has passed. The province has yet to see consistent, transparent reporting on the outcomes of those audits or the consequences that followed. Anti-corruption cannot be rhetorical. It must be enforceable. With the 2026 Local Government Elections fast approaching, this address will be measured not by tone, but by evidence. The people of this province are demanding functional municipalities, reliable services and accountable leadership. In 2026, the UDM in the Eastern Cape will present a credible alternative grounded in administrative discipline, clean governance and service delivery that is felt in every municipality we contest.
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18 Feb, 2026
Speech for Mr MM Peter, MP and Member of the NCOP for the United Democratic Movement at the State of the Nation Address 2026 debate CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Honourable Speaker Honourable Members The United Democratic Movement (UDM) supports the State of the Nation Address as tabled by His Excellency, President Ramaphosa. But support does not mean silence. In the true interest of serving the people of South Africa, we rise to sharpen, strengthen and submit proposals that move this nation from promise to performance. 1. No country survives without law Mr President, on the issue of illegal immigrants, the UDM wishes to comment as follows - no country can function if its laws are optional, and anyone who comes to this country legally must be prepared to abide by the law or they will be shipped out. Fellow South Africans, you deserve a state that works, systems that speak to each other, and early warning mechanisms that stop crime before it spreads. Without accurate Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) registration, South African Revenue Service (SARS) cannot collect revenue from all traders operating in our economy. Furthermore, law enforcement cannot properly trace or dismantle criminal syndicates operating in the underworld. South Africa urgently needs a coordinated security response plan with time frames and the strengthening of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) as to be functional. South Africa’s liberation history teaches us solidarity. But protection must be credible and enforceable. If a person is granted asylum yet voluntarily returns to the very country they claim to be fleeing during holiday season, that status must be reviewed. You cannot be in danger today and on holiday tomorrow. Accountability is not hostility. It is fairness. It is security. It is sovereignty. 2. Skills development: from training to productivity We welcome the review of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) as a corrective measure to ensure that skills funding delivers measurable results. Within the Department of Defence, the South African National Service Institute (SANSI) recently passed out over 500 young people. Mr President, do consider ring-fencing and redirecting SETA funding towards: • Funding into structured, outcome-based programmes such as SANSI. • Standardised study guides in mathematics, languages, accounting and entrepreneurship. • Mandatory practical and technical skill components. In 2001, Deputy Minister Holomisa, Matt Matthys, a maths teacher, Chantel Mulder, then Chief Executive Officer of the South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA), and the then President of SAICA, Ignatius Sehoole spearheaded the Thuthuka Project, providing English, Mathematics, and Accounting study guides for Grades 9 to 12. Today, that project has produced over 2,000 Black Chartered Accountants. We may need to have a tailor made, or similar setup into skills development. 3. Public Investment Corporation: Mr President, in 2023 you called on the Minister of Finance to address the pension queries of former civil servants. The affected community is still waiting for feedback and progress reports. People are dying while the system drags its feet, and each day of delay is a day of injustice. It is even more painful to see that the funds meant to secure these pensions are being looted by the elite through the Isibaya Fund at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). Resources meant for ordinary South Africans are being diverted to enrich a few, deepening inequality and betraying public trust. How we wish that money could instead be invested in South Africa’s infrastructure, generating real returns for the country and creating jobs. This is a guaranteed investment in the nation, not in private greed. The people deserve accountability and action, not corruption. I thank you.
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18 Feb, 2026
Mr MC Ramaphosa President of the Republic of South Africa Private Bag X1000 Pretoria 0001 Dear Mister President A call for constitutional refinement of the Hate Speech Act prior to commencement 1. The United Democratic Movement (UDM) writes to you with deep respect for the constitutional office you hold, and with equal seriousness regarding the constitutional implications of the Prevention ofa Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act, 2023 (‘the Act’). 2. We had intended to address this matter more fully during the SONA 2026 debate yesterday. However, due to the limited time allocated in the House, the UDM was unable to place our detailed constitutional concerns on record. 3. Given the significance of this legislation and its far-reaching implications, we believe the matter warrants fuller public and parliamentary engagement. It is for this reason that we now write to you directly, to place these concerns before the Head of State and to respectfully seek your consideration. 4. The UDM supports without reservation the protection of human dignity and equality, and a firm response to genuine hatred, incitement to violence, and discrimination. South Africa’s painful history demands vigilance against racism, xenophobia, and all forms of dehumanisation. However, in seeking to protect dignity, the State must take equal care not to erode the foundational freedoms that define our constitutional democracy. 5. It is our considered view that the Act, in its current form, goes beyond what section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution permits. South Africa already possesses effective legal mechanisms to address genuine hate speech and incitement, including common law offences and civil remedies under the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (PEPUDA), as affirmed and clarified by the Constitutional Court. The introduction of broad criminal sanctions, including imprisonment, therefore represents a significant and unnecessary expansion of state power over expression. 6. Of particular concern is the reliance on concepts that are either undefined or insufficiently defined in a criminal statute. The Act refers to hatred, emotional harm, social harm described as undermining social cohesion, and economic harm without providing the precision required for criminal liability. It further expands protected grounds to include gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics without statutory definitions, despite these being contested and evolving concepts in public discourse. In criminal law, vagueness is not a minor technical flaw. Citizens must be able to know clearly and predictably where the line between lawful expression and criminal conduct is drawn. 7. The implications for freedom of religion are especially serious. Faith-based organisations across the country have expressed anxiety that sincerely held religious beliefs, particularly on contested moral and social questions, may expose religious leaders and communities to prosecution or vexatious complaints. Religious freedom is not merely the freedom to believe privately. It includes the freedom to teach, preach, and publicly articulate doctrine without fear of criminal sanction. The current religious exemption clause is widely regarded within civil society as weak and circular, offering little practical protection against overreach. 8. Civil society organisations, including faith-based bodies representing diverse traditions, have consistently emphasised that international law does not require automatic criminalisation of hate speech in the expansive form adopted by the Act. The United Nations Rabat Plan of Action underscores that criminal sanctions should be a measure of last resort and subject to a high threshold. Many within civil society believe the present Act lowers that threshold in a manner that risks a chilling effect on lawful religious, moral, and public discourse. 9. The UDM does not seek to weaken protections against genuine hatred or incitement. Rather, we seek to ensure that dignity and equality are defended in a manner that is constitutionally sound, proportionate, and precise. Equality cannot be advanced by eroding freedom of expression and freedom of religion. Our constitutional order requires that these rights exist in principled balance. 10. We therefore respectfully urge that the Act be subjected to urgent constitutional review and aligned appropriately before it is brought into operation. While the Act has been assented to and promulgated, it has not yet been brought into operation, and this presents a narrow but important window of opportunity for corrective legislative alignment before constitutional uncertainty hardens into litigation. 11. Specifically, we call for alignment of the definition of hate speech with section 16(2)(c) of the Constitution, the provision of clear statutory definitions of hatred and harm with an appropriately high criminal threshold, the removal or tightening of vague and undefined concepts, and the strengthening of the religious exemption clause to ensure meaningful protection for bona fide religious expression. 12. In the spirit of cooperative governance and constructive constitutionalism, the UDM is also preparing a Private Member’s Bill to assist Parliament in addressing the identified defects. Our intention is not to dilute protections against genuine hatred or incitement, but to ensure that the legislation reflects a principled and constitutionally sound balance between dignity, equality, freedom of expression and freedom of religion. 13. Your Excellency, South Africa’s democracy was built on the protection of both dignity and liberty. We trust that under your leadership, legislation that touches so directly on the freedoms of conscience, religion, belief, and expression will be carefully refined to withstand constitutional scrutiny and to preserve the delicate equilibrium upon which our democratic order rests. 14. We remain committed to constructive engagement in this regard. Yours sincerely Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP President of the United Democratic Movement Copied to: • Mr Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament • Freedom of Religion South Africa (FOR SA)
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17 Feb, 2026
Speech for Deputy Minister Bantu Holomisa, MP and President of the United Democratic Movement at the State of the Nation Address 2026 debate CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY Honourable Speaker Honourable Members The Government of National Unity (GNU) will not be judged by the promises tabled during the opening of Parliament, but by whether that skeletal plan is implemented with urgency, discipline and measurable results. South Africans have heard plans before. What they demand now is execution. 1. Security is the foundation of development The State of the Nation Address (SONA) emphasised economic recovery and energy stability, but sustainable growth also depends on protecting our environment and critical infrastructure from vandalism, illegal mining and sabotage that damage ecosystems and investor confidence. We are strengthening enforcement, deploying coordinated security and accelerating prosecutions because environmental protection, stability and growth are inseparable. The GNU further recognises that development cannot flourish without security. We therefore welcome: • The deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in support of South African Police Service (SAPS) in crime epicentres such as the Cape Flats and the broader Western Cape, and areas such as Randfontein in Gauteng. • The elevation of the security cluster as a national priority. • The use of Artificial Intelligence-driven systems for predictive policing and intelligence coordination. In line with the orders issued by the Commander-in-Chief, President Ramaphosa, I confirm that the Department of Defence is seized with operational requirements to support stabilisation interventions in consultation with the security cluster. This is just phase one of restoring normality. 2. Crime and consequences: the era of impunity is over Mqwathi, mandikuqinisekise amasela ixesha lawo liphelile. Yekani ii Law Enforcement Agencies zenze umsebenzi wazo, singaphazanyiswa. The honeymoon is over. Corruption and maladministration have not merely touched the state, they have engulfed it, reaching even into our law enforcement agencies. The rot did not spare the Department of Defence either. That is why we acknowledge the President’s decision to sign the proclamation authorising the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate these matters and more. Accountability cannot be selective. It must be decisive and it must reach everywhere. At a briefing to the Portfolio Committee and Joint Standing Committee on Defence, the SIU, the Military Police, and the Hawks assured us that we have recovered over R1.6 billion linked to corruption and mismanagement within Defence. This is just a start of restoring the image of our defence force. That is consequence management in action. If Special Courts could be established by the Department of Justice in partnership with the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), this will assist to accelerate the resolution of all pending military cases. Crime and corruption embarrass this country. They damage investor confidence. They weaken sovereignty. We have no choice but to confronting them head-on. 3. No country survives without law No country can function if its laws are optional, and anyone who comes to this country legally must be prepared to abide by the law or they will be shipped out. Fellow South Africans, you deserve a state that works, systems that speak to each other, and early warning mechanisms that stop crime before it spreads. Without accurate Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) registration, South African Revenue Service (SARS) cannot collect revenue from all traders operating in our economy. Furthermore, law enforcement cannot properly trace or dismantle criminal syndicates operating in the underworld. South Africa urgently needs a coordinated security response plan with time frames and the strengthening of the NPA as to be functional. South Africa’s liberation history teaches us solidarity. But protection must be credible and enforceable. If a person is granted asylum yet voluntarily returns to the very country they claim to be fleeing during holiday season, that status must be reviewed. You cannot be in danger today and on holiday tomorrow. Accountability is not hostility. It is fairness. It is security. It is sovereignty. 4. The Public Investment Corporation Mr President, in 2023 you called on the Minister of Finance to address the pension queries of former civil servants. The affected community is still waiting for feedback and progress reports. People are dying while the system drags its feet, and each day of delay is a day of injustice. It is even more painful to see that the funds meant to secure these pensions are being looted by the elite through the Isibaya Fund at the Public Investment Corporation. Resources meant for ordinary South Africa are being diverted to enrich a few, deepening inequality and betraying public trust. How we wish that money could instead be invested in South Africa’s infrastructure, generating real returns for the country and creating jobs. This is a guaranteed investment in the nation, not in private greed. The people deserve accountability and action, not corruption. 5. Skills development: from training to productivity We welcome the review of the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) as a corrective measure to ensure that skills funding delivers measurable results. Within Defence, the South African National Service Institute (SANSI) recently passed out over 500 young people. Mr President, do consider ring-fencing and redirecting SETA funding towards: • Funding into structured, outcome-based programmes such as SANSI. • Standardised study guides in mathematics, languages, accounting and entrepreneurship. • Mandatory practical and technical skill components. In 2001, Matt Matthys, Chantal Mulder, the President South African Institute of Chartered Accountants (SAICA), Ignatius Sehoole, and I spearheaded the Thuthuka Project, providing English, Mathematics, and Accounting study guides for Grades 9 to 12. Today, that project has produced over 2,000 Black Chartered Accountants. We may need to have a tailor-made, or similar setup into skills development. 6. Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act The Prevention of Hate Crimes and Combating of Hate Speech Act, though intended to protect dignity and equality, goes beyond what our Constitution permits and places freedom of religion at risk. It criminalises expression using vague and undefined concepts and expands protected grounds without legal certainty. In a constitutional democracy, believers must be free to express their faith without fear of prosecution. Equality must never be advanced by eroding religious freedom. We therefore urge that the Act be constitutionally aligned through appropriate amendments before it comes into operation. 7. Conclusion: restoring dignity, restoring the state No country survives without law. No economy grows without stability. No democracy thrives without accountability. South Africans want safety, fairness, opportunity and a state that works. Through decisive, coordinated action on security reform, border integrity, infrastructure protection, skills development and consequence management, we will deliver. Judge us not by our words, but by the order we restore, the stability we secure and the future we build together. I thank you.
